If you are a social scientist in or from Germany and would like to sign this statement, please contact Christine Binzel (christine.binzel@fau.de) or Macartan Humphreys (macartan.humphreys@wzb.eu). Press releases
Germany’s response to the Israel-Gaza conflict is out of line with its principles
26 March 2024
In recent months, Germany has become a bystander, if not an accomplice, to what by many accounts amount to war crimes against the Palestinian population in Gaza. In doing so, it has supported actions that threaten to weaken international institutions. It has supported a strategy that appears counterproductive to its own goals. And it has done so in an environment in which voices critical of this strategy have been marginalized.
The German government rightfully condemned the brutal assault by Hamas and other armed groups on October 7th. Hamas carried out obscene attacks on civilians and continues to hold civilians hostage, including children. These acts and other terrible acts violate international humanitarian law.
The horrific nature of the October 7 attacks and the real need to ensure the safety of Israeli citizens may help explain Israel’s response and Germany’s largely unconditional political and military support for this response. But, they do not justify it.
The strategy of unconditional support to Israel has failed and it is now time to change course.
Bystander to war crimes. The situation in Gaza is horrific with, according to the WHO, close to 2 million displaced and an estimated 100,000 now dead, injured, missing or presumed dead, a majority of whom are children and women. Civilian infrastructure has been targeted, including health and cultural institutions, and in many places razed to the ground. As academic researchers, we deplore the wholesale destruction of institutions of higher learning in Gaza and the killing of scholars. A generation of children is likely traumatized. Aid has been blocked and Gaza faces a famine and societal collapse.1 The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has deemed that Israel’s actions, like those of Hamas, constitute war crimes. The German government acknowledges the situation as disastrous but has not acknowledged that this is a man-made disaster and not an inevitable or unforeseeable event. The horror in Gaza is a predictable result of the Israeli government’s strategy, which is supported by Germany.2 Evidence of war crimes since the beginning of Israel’s campaign has been documented in detail by international observers.3 It has also been documented by Israeli soldiers and even the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) through numerous videos and images, shared widely via TikTok, Instagram, and other social media channels. Despite extensive evidence of violations of international humanitarian law, the German government has rarely, if ever, condemned these actions. For example, the German Chancellor has denied the possibility that Israel would violate international law and while the Foreign Minister has repeatedly urged Israel to adhere to international law, she has avoided suggesting that Israel has failed to do so.
We do not doubt the importance of working to support Israel’s security, but we believe that providing support for the wholesale destruction of a society, as is now unfolding before our eyes, is incompatible with German post-war values. Given the clear evidence of war crimes and the immense suffering in Gaza, it cannot be a question of turning a blind eye, legitimizing or humbly making pleas. Rather, the situation requires the naming and condemning of unlawful violence and destruction, and it requires a willingness to take measures that sanction and ideally prevent further violations of international humanitarian law.
Weakening of international institutions. Germany’s post-war international engagement has been characterized by a commitment to strengthening the international rule of law by supporting international institutions and defending them against attacks. Israel’s ongoing attacks against international institutions are inconsistent with this policy. The Israeli campaign has killed UN and International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) staff; the World Health Organization has been accused of collaborating with Hamas; the UN Secretary General has been charged with blood libel; and UNRWA has been treated as an enemy that must be destroyed.4 These attacks have generally not been condemned by Germany. At the same time, Germany has also acted to protect Israel from criticism in international courts. The German government’s statement on the case brought to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) by South Africa suggested, prior even to the presentation of evidence, that the case was „completely unfounded.“ While Germany reaffirmed its support for the ICJ after the initial ruling, its actions continue to be at odds with such support. On 26 January, following the ICJ decision, Germany announced it would take “immediate measures to enable the provision of more humanitarian assistance to Gaza”; yet on 27 January, Germany announced that it will not approve further funding for UNRWA following accusations—without accompanying evidence—by Israel against a small number of UNRWA staff members. It did so, despite a joint statement by UN agencies affirming the essential role of UNRWA in providing humanitarian assistance in Gaza. Instruments that the international community might deploy in other conflict settings, such as sanctions, intervention, or peacebuilding have not been considered in this case, likely in deference to Israel’s hostility to them. The question for Germany is: what cost is it willing to impose on the international institutions it has done so much to support, in order to protect Israel from criticism?
Ends and means. It has been argued that the high number of civilian casualties, though regrettable, is justifiable given the aims of destroying Hamas and the military options that are available given Hamas‘ tactics. Whatever the legal and moral validity of this argument—or its relevance for actions that seem more directly targeted against civilians, such as the blocking of humanitarian aid—there is little evidence from social scientific research to suggest that military campaigns of this form are likely to increase security for Israel in the medium to long term. On the contrary: the kind of abuses suffered by civilian populations, whether understood as targeted or “merely” as collateral damage, could give rise to deepened hostilities and radicalization. This is supported by research findings from studies in Northern Ireland, Vietnam, and Iraq.5 More broadly there is a contradiction between the vision that Germany has for peace in the region—founded on a two-state solution—and the stated positions of the current government of Israel, which reject a two-state solution. Germany is thus supporting a government whose goals it does not agree with. In supporting strategies that are inconsistent with its own goals, Germany is failing to live up to its historical responsibilities —both its special obligations towards Jewish populations and its general obligation to protect human rights.
Weakened public deliberation. Germany’s support for Israel, operationalized as unconditional support for the government of the day, has been accompanied by a marked narrowing of the discussion in Germany, effectively insulating German leaders and the German public from exposure to critical voices at a time when this is most needed.6 A striking number of Jewish voices that have been critical of German policy have been silenced or sidelined.7 Attempts to understand the history and the context have been dismissed as attempts to relativize. Criticisms of Israel have been re-interpreted as Israel-hate or antisemitism. Critical voices have been discredited, and scholars criticizing Israel have been dismissed.8 In the German context, the important—critical—goal of combating antisemitism, has been implemented with a seeming confusion over what antisemitism is, and how it can be combated. The IHRA working definition, which the German government has adopted, may contribute to the confusion as it fails to clearly define antisemitism and rather lists actions that might, but need not, imply antisemitism. A notable example arose after the Berlinale, where a joint Israeli-Palestinian team used the term apartheid and another team referenced genocide. Leading politicians from across the political spectrum including many government ministers denounced the Berlinale for antisemitism and Israel-hate, in that case putting the speakers in danger.9 However, such careless usages of the term antisemitism makes the important fight against antisemitism (and also the fight against right-wing extremism) more difficult and avoids a serious substantive discussion of the issues that these critical voices are raising.
German leaders have described Israel’s security as part of Germany’s raison d’état and some have interpreted it to mean that Germany should support the Israeli state even when it disagrees with the specific actions it is taking. This, we have learned, is not an effective strategy. It has risked German complicity in violations of international humanitarian law, with little to no prospects for enhanced security for Israel in the medium to long term. Moreover, it has been insufficient to provide guidance in a setting where Germany has both a historic responsibility to act to protect Jewish populations and a responsibility to act to protect Palestinian populations that are manifestly not being protected by Israel, despite Israel’s obligations under international law. As Germany so recently stated, the universal responsibility to protect is the “cornerstone of our individual and collective commitment to prevent and respond to the most heinous international crimes.” This cornerstone is under threat.
It is past time for the German government to champion the universal application of international law and protection of human rights even if this means condemning and sanctioning the behaviors of the government of the day in Israel, to take robust action to protect the citizens of Gaza, and to defend the voices of those on both sides who have worked and continue to work towards peace, equality, and dignity.
Signatories
1. Prof. Christine Binzel, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
2. Prof. Macartan Humphreys, WZB, Humboldt Universität, and TCD
3. Prof. Steffen Huck, WZB and UCL
4. Prof. Tarik Abou-Chadi, University of Oxford
5. Prof. Yasemin Soysal, WZB and Freie Universität Berlin
6. Dr. Benjamin Braun, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
7. Dr. Torsten Menge, Northwestern University in Qatar
8. Prof. Doris Bühler-Niederberger, Bergische Universität Wuppertal
9. Prof. Toman Barsbai, University of Bristol
10. Prof. Andreas Krieg, King’s College London
11. Dr. Moritz Schmoll, University Mohammed VI Polytechnic
12. Prof. Jana Krause, University of Oslo
13. Dr. Florian Foos, London School of Economics and Political Science
14. Prof. Erik Hornung, Universität zu Köln
15. Prof. Kai Koddenbrock, Bard College Berlin
16. Prof. Manfred Liebel, Fachhochschule Potsdam
17. Prof. Robin Celikates, Freie Universität Berlin
18. Prof. Schirin Amir-Moazami, Freie Universität Berlin
19. Prof. Laura Horn, Roskilde University
20. Dr. David Kampmann, University of Oxford
21. Dr. Hannes Baumann, University of Liverpool
22. Dr. Jannis Julien Grimm, Freie Universität Berlin
23. Prof. Daniel Loick, University of Amsterdam
24. Prof. Valentin Jeutner, Lund University and Oxford University
25. Prof. Lizzie Richardson, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
26. Prof. Christine Graebsch, Fachhochschule Dortmund
27. Dr. Katharina Grüneisl, University of Nottingham
28. Dr. Christian Ambrosius, Freie Universität Berlin
29. Dr. Sönke Hendrik Matthewes, Utrecht University School of Economics
30. Lucas Scheel, University of Adelaide
31. Dr. Irene Weipert-Fenner, Leibniz-Institut für Friedens-und Konfliktforschung (PRIF)
32. Prof. Max Koch, Lund University
33. Dr. Dörthe Engelcke, Max Planck Institute for Comparative and International Private Law
34. Dr. Franziska Cooiman, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
35. Prof. Marcela Ibanez, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
36. Prof. Natalia Danzer, Freie Universität Berlin
37. Prof. Alexander Danzer, KU Eichstätt-Ingolstadt
38. Dr. Andreas T. Hirblinger, Geneva Graduate Institute, Switzerland
39. Felix Diefenhardt, WU Wien
40. Dr. René Wildangel, International Hellenic University, Thessaloniki
41. Prof. Jens Wissel, Frankfurt University of Applied Sciences
42. Christopher Olk, Freie Universität Berlin
43. Prof. Kevin Koehler, Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies
44. Juri Kilian, Universität Kassel
45. Prof. Reinhart Kößler, Universität Freiburg
46. Prof. Sibylle Lehmann-Hasemeyer, Universität Hohenheim
47. Prof. Henning Melber, Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala
48. Dr. Benjamin Schuetze, Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut (ABI) Freiburg
49. Prof. Paul Mecheril, Universität Bielefeld
50. Dr. Roy Karadag, Universität Bremen
51. Dr. Egon Tripodi, Hertie School of Governance
52. Dr. Tim Glawion, Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut (ABI) & University of Freiburg
53. Prof. Martin Höpner, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Köln
54. Dr. Franzisca Zanker, Arnold Bergstraesser Institut (ABI) Freiburg
55. Dr. Francisco Mazzola, King’s College London
56. Prof. Helge Jörgens, Iscte-University Institute of Lisbon
57. Dr. Sophia Hoffmann, Universität Erfurt
58. Prof. Lucio Baccaro, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
59. Prof. Hanna Pfeifer, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
60. Moritz Raykowski, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
61. Prof. Donatella Della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore
62. Tobias Arbogast, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
63. Prof. CIlja Harders, Freie Universität Berlin
64. Max Willems, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
65. Dr. Joana Lilli Hofstetter, Scuola Normale Superiore
66. Dr. Christine Andrä, University of Groningen
67. Alice Beazer, TU München
68. Prof. Anke Hoeffler, Universität Konstanz
69. Dr. Michael Pröpper, Universität Hamburg
70. Dr. Jessica Kim, WZB
71. Dr. Isabell Scheele, Universität Lille
72. PD Susanne Schultz, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
73. Prof. Tobias Heidland, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel und Kiel Institut für Weltwirtschaft
74. Dr. Philipp Lottholz, Philipps-Universität Marburg
75. Prof. Silke Roth, University of Southampton
76. Daniel R. Quiroga-Villamarín, Geneva Graduate Institute and Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology
77. Prof. Daniel Bendix, Theologische Hochschule Friedensau
78. Bruno Schmidt-Feuerheerd, University of Cambridge
79. Prof. Heidrun Friese, TU Chemnitz
80. Ilyas Saliba, Humboldt University Berlin
81. Prof. Wolfgang Streeck, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
82. Prof. Sabine Zinn, German Institute for Economic Research and Humboldt University Berlin
83. Prof. Naika Foroutan, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
84. Prof. Talja Blokland, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
85. Prof. Stefan Ouma, Universität Bayreuth
86. Dr. Christoph Vogel, Ghent University
87. Dr. Sophie Hinger, Universität Osnabrück
88. Dr. Alexander Vorbrugg, Universität Bern
89. Dr. Fabian Namberger, HafenCity Universität Hamburg
90. Dr. Tobias C. M. Marschall, Geneva Graduate Institute
91. Irina Redkina, Universität Hamburg
92. Dr. Tilmann Heil, Universität zu Köln
93. Prof. Michael Klundt, Hochschule Magdeburg-Stendal
94. Dr. Laura Stielike, Universität Osnabrück
95. Dr. René Kreichauf, Vrije Universiteit Brussel
96. Dr. André Bank, German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA)
97. Tom Meyer, Ruhr-Universität Bochum
98. Prof. Manuela De Allegri, University of Heidelberg
99. Dr. Özgür Özvatan, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
100. Prof. Sevasti Trubeta, Hochschule Magdeburg-Stendal
101. Prof. Martin Beck, Philipps-Universität Marburg
102. Prof. Frieder Otto Wolf, Freie Universität Berlin
103. Prof. Helga Baumgarten, Birzeit University
104. Prof. Heidemarie Winkel, Universität Bielefeld
105. Dr. Zerrin Salikutluk, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
106. Dr. Marion Detjen, Bard College Berlin
107. Dr. Alke Jenss, Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institut (ABI) Freiburg
108. PD Manfred Sing, IEG Mainz und Universität Basel
109. Karim Zafer, Universität zu Köln
110. Prof. Sönke Hundt, Hochschule Bremen
111. Prof. Marianne Hirschberg, Universität Kassel
112. Prof. Franz Hamburger, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
113. Prof. Felix Anderl, Zentrum für Konfliktforschung, Philipps-Universität Marburg
114. Dr. Margret Johannsen, Institut für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik, Universität Hamburg
115. Prof. Olaf Zenker, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg
116. Dr. Christoph Sorg, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
117. Prof. Dorothee Bohle, Universität Wien
118. Prof. Heinz Sünker, Bergische Universität Wuppertal
119. Prof. Lorenz Böllinger, Universität Bremen
120. Prof. Annette Jünemann, Helmut-Schmidt Universität, Universität der Bundeswehr Hamburg
121. Dr. Mariam Salehi, Freie Universität Berlin
122. Dr. Regine Schwab, Leibniz-Institut für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung
123. Prof. Florian Diekert, Universität Augsburg
124. Dr. Christine Barwick, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
125. Prof. em. Georg Auernheimer, Universität zu Köln
126. Stephan Stuckmann, Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung
127. Prof. Ulrike Freitag, Leibniz-Zentrum Moderner Orient
128. Vera Huwe, Universität Duisburg-Essen
129. Prof. Serhat Karakayali, Leuphana Universität
130. Prof. Jakob Kapeller, Universität Duisburg-Essen
131. Dr. Achim Rohde, Universität Hamburg
132. Dr. Liina Mustonen, Universität Duisburg-Essen
133. Prof. Martina Sproll, HWR Berlin (Berlin School of Economics and Law)
134. Prof. Isabelle Ihring, Evangelische Hochschule Freiburg
135. Dr. Carmen Becker, Leibniz Universität Hannover
136. Prof. Björn Kraus, Evangelische Hochschule Freiburg
137. Prof. Sibylle Scheipers, University of St Andrews
138. Prof. Steffen Hertog, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE)
139. Dr. Vanessa E. Thompson, Queen’s University, Canada
140. Prof. Rudolph Bauer, Universität Bremen
141. Alessandro Arlati, HafenCity Universität Hamburg
142. Dr. Christa Wichterich, Global Partnership Network, Universität Kassel
143. Samuel Siewers, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
144. Dr. Saskia Schaefer, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
145. Prof. Stephan Panther, Hochschule für Gesellschaftsgestaltung (HfGG)
146. Prof. Lars Hochmann, Hochschule für Gesellschaftsgestaltung (HfGG)
147. Prof. Gabriele vom Bruck, School of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London
148. Prof. Manuela Boatcă, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg
149. Elsa Egerer, Hochschule für Gesellschaftsgestaltung (HfGG)
150. Dr. Christian Basteck, WZB
151. Prof. Jeanette Hofmann, WZB, FU, HIIG
152. Dr. Matthew D. Stephen, WZB
153. Prof. Dirk Bergemann, Yale University
154. Prof. Andreas Ortmann, University of New South Wales
155. Prof. Thiemo Fetzer, University of Warwick & University of Bonn
156. Marina Solntseva, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
157. Lisa Mohrat, Universität der Bundeswehr München
158. Dr. Maurice Stierl, Universität Osnabrück
159. Prof. Michael Staack, Helmut-Schmidt-Universität/Universität der
Bundeswehr Hamburg
160. Maike Messerschmidt, Universität der Bundeswehr München
161. Prof. Oliver Schlumberger, Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen
162. Prof. Paulina Jo Pesch, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
163. Prof. em. Dr. Frank Deppe, Universität Marburg
164. Dr. Mert Pekşen, Universität Osnabrück
165. Dr. Jan Wilkens, Universität Hamburg
166. Dr. Florian Kohstall, Freie Universität Berlin
167. Prof. Margreth Lünenborg, Freie Universität Berlin
168. Prof. Patrick Eisenlohr, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
169. Dr. Tobias Zumbrägel, Universität Heidelberg
170. Prof. Malte Göttsche, RWTH Aachen University
171. Prof. Lothar Zechlin, Universität Duisburg-Essen
172. Dr. Billy Holzberg, King’s College London
173. Prof. Srirupa Roy, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
174. Prof. Rupa Viswanath, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
175. Dr. Torsten Bewernitz, Hochschule Darmstadt
176. Dr. Sassan Gholiagha, Europa-Universität Viadrina
177. Dr. Benjamin Edelstein, WZB
178. Lale Diklitaş, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
179. Prof. Rachid Ouaissa, Philipps-Universitaet Marburg
180. Prof. em. Peter Seibert, Universität Kassel
181. Dr. Wolfram Lacher, Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik (SWP)
182. Prof. Rainer Mühlhoff, Universität Osnabrück
183. Dr. Benedikt Römer, Universität der Bundeswehr München
184. Dr. Hans-Georg Ehrhart, Institut für Friedensforschung und Sicherheitspolitik, Universität Hamburg
185. Prof. Hanna Meißner, TU Berlin
186. Prof. Milena Büchs, University of Leeds
187. Prof. Uli Beisel, Freie Universität Berlin
188. Prof. Tilman Reitz, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
189. Prof. Karin Polit, Universität Tübingen
190. Vendula Knust Stepanik, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
191. Prof. Erhard Meueler, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
192. Dr. Daniel Marwecki, University of Hong Kong
193. Dr. Dr. Peter Ullrich, Technische Universität Berlin
194. Dr. Britta Ohm, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz
195. Dr. Asli Vatansever, Bard College Berlin
196. Prof. Andreas Fuchs, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
197. Laura Wedemeyer, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
198. Hanna Doose, Universität zu Köln und Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
199. Prof Anita Gohdes, Hertie School of Governance
200. Dr. Nadine Ansorg, University of Kent
201. Dr. Florence Vienne, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
202. Dr. Juliane Zenker, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
203. Prof. Bernhard Stahl, Universität Passau
204. Prof. Achim Kemmerling, Universität Erfurt
205. Prof. Ebbe Volquardsen, University of Greenland
206. Dr. Matías Dewey, University of St. Gallen
207. Dr. Laura Nkula-Wenz, University of Cape Town
208. Prof. Christian Steiner, KU Eichstätt-Ingolstadt
209. Prof. i.R. Horst Kopp, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
210. Faruk Güler, Ruhr-Universität Bochum
211. Dr. Linus Westheuser, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
212. Lena Rethel, University of Warwick
213. Prof. Marc Boeckler, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
214. Prof. Matthew G. Hannah, Universität Bayreuth
215. Paula Teich, Universität Potsdam
216. Prof. Nadine Marquardt, Universität Bonn
217. Dr. Adrian Rothers, Philipps-Universität Marburg
218. Prof. Susanne Brandtstädter, Universität zu Köln
219. Dr. Lennart Kaplan, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
220. Dr. Hoda Salah, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel
221. Prof. em. Dr. Hans Henning Hahn, Carl-von-Ossietzky-Universität Oldenburg
222. Prof. Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf, Universität zu Köln
223. Dr. Huda Zein, Universität zu Köln
224. Georg Jostkleigrewe, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg
225. Dr. Norma Schemschat, University of Amsterdam
226. Dr. Katrin Travouillon, Australian National University
227. Steffen Haag, Universität Hamburg
228. Prof. Linda Herrera, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (visiting fellow at EUME Berlin)
229. Prof. Asmaa El Maaroufi, Universität Münster
230. Prof. Susanne Lang, Hochschule Mannheim
231. Dr. Christian Rosen, Brandenburgische Technische Universität Cottbus-Senftenberg
232. Prof. Annika Mattissek, University of Freiburg
233. Els Keunen, Universität Stuttgart
234. Dr. Philipp Zehmisch, Universität Heidelberg
235. Prof. Brigitte Young, Universität Münster
236. Dr. Stephan Milich, Universität zu Köln
237. Mira Hazzaa, Universität Osnabrück
238. Dr. Steven Gonzalez Monserrate, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
239. Prof. i. R. Ilse Lenz, Ruhr-Universität Bochum
240. Prof. Armina Omerika, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
241. Dr. Frank A. Stengel, Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel
242. Prof. Peter Lindner, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
243. Prof. em. Ulrich Wagner, Philipps-Universität Marburg
244. Prof. Tarek Badawia, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg
245. Johanna Kocks, Philipps-Universität Marburg
246. Dr. Sylvie Tappert, Charité Universitätsmedizin Berlin
247. Jessica Palka, Universität Duisburg-Essen
248. Prof. em. Wolfgang Seifert, Universität Heidelberg
249. Prof. Mathieu Ossendrijver, Freie Universität Berlin
250. Prof. Ferdinand M. Vieider, Ghent University
251. Soyeon Jin, TU München
252. Prof. Torsten Passie, Medizinische Hochschule Hannover
253. Prof. Norma Möllers, Queen‘s University, Kingston
254. Prof. Klaus Müller, AGH University of Science & Technology, Kraków
255. Dr. Marlene Schäfers, Utrecht University
256. Eva Rieger, Universität Passau
257. Prof. Aram Ziai, Universität Kassel
258. Aya Isabel Kleine, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
259. Prof. Andreas Pickel, Trent University
260. Prof. i.R. Christoph Scherrer, Universität Kassel
261. Douwe Van Schie, Universität Bonn
262. Prof. em. Rudi Schmidt, Universität Jena
263. Prof. Mehmet Öcal, Erciyes University
264. Prof. Sigrid James, Universität Kassel
265. Inès Bakhtaoui, Universität Bonn
266. Dr. Theo Aalders, Universität Bonn
267. Prof. Lisa Schipper, Universität Bonn
268. Dr. Leslie Tramontini, Philipps-Universität Marburg
269. Arne Rieber, Universität Bonn
270. Dr. Zainab Khalid, Universität Bonn
271. Prof. Detlef Müller-Mahn, Universität Bonn
272. Melis Günay, HafenCity Universität Hamburg
273. Julia Klumparendt, Universität Bonn
274. Prof. Florian Hertel, Europa-Universität Flensburg
275. Prof. Karsten Kohler, University of Leeds
276. Dr. Denise Klein, Leibniz Institut für Europäische Geschichte, Mainz
277. Dr. Gianluca Grimalda, University of Passau
278. Dr. Kristina Kolbe, Erasmus University Rotterdam
279. Dr. Sabine Dörry, Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research (LISER)
280. Dr. Claudia Wittig, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg
281. Prof. Akosua Adomako Ampofo, University of Ghana
282. Dr. Stefan Rüb, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
283. Dr. Eva Youkhana, Center for Development Research (ZEF), Universität Bonn
284. Dr. David Kreuer, Universität Leipzig
285. Dr. David Durand-Delacre, UN University Institute for Environment and Human Security
286. Rebecca Sophie Marwege, Columbia University
287. Prof. em. Angelika Kratzer, University of Massachusetts Amherst
288. Prof. Tom Roeper, University of Massachusetts Amherst
Notes:
- There are serious concerns that Israel has used starvation as a weapon of war—by hindering the delivery of humanitarian aid (Amnesty International), by not providing secure delivery of aid (UN special rapporteur) and by stopping granting visas for international workers in humanitarian organizations (see David Cameron and also statements by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and 12 prominent Israeli human rights groups). ↩︎
- On 9 December 2023, experts warned of risks of potential genocide. In early January, Israeli scientists accused their country’s judicial authorities of ignoring calls to genocidal acts and ethnic cleansing by influential public figures. ↩︎
- Examples include Oxfam warning of the dangers of the siege, Amnesty highlighting disproportionate violence against civilians, CNN highlighting violations of the Geneva conventions , and the Guardian reporting unjustified attacks on medical centers and the widespread abuse of Palestinian detainees in Israeli detention centers. ↩︎
- Israel has also refused to cooperate with international investigations, including into what happened on 7 October, and has prevented foreign media access to Gaza. At the same time Israel killed an unprecedented number of Palestinian journalists and their families. ↩︎
- See meta analyses of relations between threat and deprivation on participation in violence, studies of the counterproductive effects of indiscriminate violence and in particular two studies of exposure to violence in Vietnam (Kocher et al. and Dell and Querubin), studies on violence in Northern Ireland and Iraq, and of polarization in Israel. We note one important study from Chechnya that suggests that in that context, suppressive effects of indiscriminate violence dominate, though this study only examines outcomes within a 100 day window of attacks. ↩︎
- This issue was raised before recent events, for example by the historian Ilan Pappé. ↩︎
- As early as October 2023, a group of Jewish artists, writers, and scholars wrote an open letter calling “on Germany to adhere to its own commitments to free expression,” among others (German version here). At the same time, voices openly supporting violations of humanitarian law (e.g. collective punishment) have been tolerated and amplified (for instance public figures promoting an interview arguing that all Palestinians are responsible for October 7). ↩︎
- A prominent example is the canceling of the ceremony to award the Hannah-Arendt Prize for Masha Gessen, because they drew analogies between Gaza and Jewish Ghettos under Nazi rule. More recently the Max Planck Society terminated the employment of Prof. Ghassan Hage, apparently because of his criticism of Israel, and, again, for drawing comparisons between behaviors of the Israeli army and Nazi abuses. ↩︎
- This includes the ministers for justice, culture, and education and the mayor of Berlin. ↩︎
Germany’s response to the Israel-Gaza conflict 